Middle East Peace - "Road Maps" and Settlements
HIRAYAMA Kentaro / Former NHK Commentator
July 9, 2003
I have before me a "road map." I don't mean that document of the same name currently gathering attention as a guideline for peace in the Middle East. This is a real road map of the Israeli-occupied West Bank of the River Jordan - or Judea, Samaria, according to the inscriptions of Carta, the leading Israeli mapmaker that published the map. It provides detailed information on towns and villages on the Palestinian side, Jewish settlements large and small, main roads, side-roads and roads used exclusively by the Israeli army and settlers. In particular, the borderline with the "Palestinian Autonomy Area Zone A" - over which the Israeli armed forces have no control under existing agreements - are prominently marked. The map warns Israeli travelers to never wander into the zone, and advises them to constantly check their current location against the road map because the Palestinians may have intentionally removed border markings along the roads. Furthermore, the map clearly distinguishes between roads where there is a possible danger of encountering sniper shots and stone-throwing by the Palestinian side from roads that are relatively safe, and lists emergency stations and phone numbers for each region to be contacted in case of emergencies, in addition to locations and phone numbers for gas stations, regional outposts of Israeli security organizations and emergency medical facilities.
This map was commissioned by a group of Jewish settlers in 2001 after the Palestinian riots of the "al-Aqsa Intifada" began. And the emergency outposts mentioned above are permanently manned by armed staff from the settlement group, ever-ready against any type of "emergency" including traffic accidents, vehicle breakdowns and attacks or suspicious moves on the part of the Palestinian side. Although most of the "Palestinian Autonomy Area Zone A" has come under "re-occupation" by the Israeli army since the spring of last year, that doesn't mean the roads have become any safer for the settlers, and the usefulness of this order-made map remains unchanged.
Meanwhile, the Palestinian side has also developed secret path guides for bypassing the Israeli army's permanent and temporary inspection posts that have been increased since the riots, to move from one sealed-off area to another, to the City of Jerusalem or even into Israeli territory. With ironic implications, the Palestinians call this their very own "road map," though there is of course no guarantee of safety.
Whether such "road maps" - both of them imbued with conflict - can be done away with, whether the future will bring success or not, depends on that "Road Map" - the document offering guidelines for Middle East peace. Upholding the goal of creating a Palestinian state that doesn't pose a threat to Israeli security, the "Road Map" lays out steps of the process towards a final resolution beginning with recovery of order, Palestinian independence based on provisionary borders by the end of 2003 and finally by the end of 2005, finding a solution for such difficult issues as final borders, settlements, Jerusalem and the return of refugees which remain unanswered by the "Oslo Accords".
One cause of anxiety is that the "Road Map" presented by the U.S. Bush Administration isn't backed up by geographic maps regarding the borders between Israel and Palestine, either provisional or final. Words such as "a viable Palestinian state with territorial contiguity" and "an end to the occupation that began with the 1967 war" are the only guidelines being offered. A sensible interpretation of these words seem to indicate that at least with regard to final borders, they will infinitely resemble the compromise proposal presented by the Israeli side based on recommendations issued by former U.S. President Bill Clinton in the final months of his term during the Taba talks that took place in January 2001, which fell one step short of reaching an agreement. At the time, Israel proposed to return the entire Gaza Strip and 96% of the "West Bank." How President Bush, known for his "Clinton allergy," will stomach the issue is yet to be seen.
As if to synchronize with President Bush, Israel's Prime Minister Sharon surprised the public by also speaking of the "need to end the occupation" and "territorial contiguity in the West Bank for a viable Palestinian state," though he soon qualified his remarks with an "explanation" that he was not speaking in terms of the "land," but rather of "occupational control over the Palestinian people." He also offered "supplementary explanation" that he meant "traffic contiguity" instead of "territorial contiguity." Thus Sharon had reiterated his pet theory that it is possible to give Palestinians greater freedom of movement without having to go through Israeli army checkpoints by building elevated roads and tunnels to connect Palestinian territories that currently lie scattered. In other words, these comments indicate his intentions to avoid dismantling settlements that are dear to him and retain them as best he can.
The vicious cycle of Palestinian terrorist acts and Israel's targeted killings of Palestinian extremists and excessive military retaliation undertaken without regard for civilian casualties is often described as a "chicken or egg" situation, but we mustn't make light of the fact that Israeli occupation and settlements lie at the starting point of this vicious cycle. During the tripartite summit between U.S. President Bush, Israeli Prime Minister Sharon and Palestinian Prime Minister Abbas that took place in Aqaba, Sharon expressed his reluctance towards implementing the "Road Map," to which an irritated President Bush responded: "You can. Just do it!" CNN reported this incident to explain the background for the subsequent "softening" on the part of the Israeli side.
I only hope that such decisive words would some day be uttered with regard to the settlements as well.
The writer is a former NHK Commentator.
This map was commissioned by a group of Jewish settlers in 2001 after the Palestinian riots of the "al-Aqsa Intifada" began. And the emergency outposts mentioned above are permanently manned by armed staff from the settlement group, ever-ready against any type of "emergency" including traffic accidents, vehicle breakdowns and attacks or suspicious moves on the part of the Palestinian side. Although most of the "Palestinian Autonomy Area Zone A" has come under "re-occupation" by the Israeli army since the spring of last year, that doesn't mean the roads have become any safer for the settlers, and the usefulness of this order-made map remains unchanged.
Meanwhile, the Palestinian side has also developed secret path guides for bypassing the Israeli army's permanent and temporary inspection posts that have been increased since the riots, to move from one sealed-off area to another, to the City of Jerusalem or even into Israeli territory. With ironic implications, the Palestinians call this their very own "road map," though there is of course no guarantee of safety.
Whether such "road maps" - both of them imbued with conflict - can be done away with, whether the future will bring success or not, depends on that "Road Map" - the document offering guidelines for Middle East peace. Upholding the goal of creating a Palestinian state that doesn't pose a threat to Israeli security, the "Road Map" lays out steps of the process towards a final resolution beginning with recovery of order, Palestinian independence based on provisionary borders by the end of 2003 and finally by the end of 2005, finding a solution for such difficult issues as final borders, settlements, Jerusalem and the return of refugees which remain unanswered by the "Oslo Accords".
One cause of anxiety is that the "Road Map" presented by the U.S. Bush Administration isn't backed up by geographic maps regarding the borders between Israel and Palestine, either provisional or final. Words such as "a viable Palestinian state with territorial contiguity" and "an end to the occupation that began with the 1967 war" are the only guidelines being offered. A sensible interpretation of these words seem to indicate that at least with regard to final borders, they will infinitely resemble the compromise proposal presented by the Israeli side based on recommendations issued by former U.S. President Bill Clinton in the final months of his term during the Taba talks that took place in January 2001, which fell one step short of reaching an agreement. At the time, Israel proposed to return the entire Gaza Strip and 96% of the "West Bank." How President Bush, known for his "Clinton allergy," will stomach the issue is yet to be seen.
As if to synchronize with President Bush, Israel's Prime Minister Sharon surprised the public by also speaking of the "need to end the occupation" and "territorial contiguity in the West Bank for a viable Palestinian state," though he soon qualified his remarks with an "explanation" that he was not speaking in terms of the "land," but rather of "occupational control over the Palestinian people." He also offered "supplementary explanation" that he meant "traffic contiguity" instead of "territorial contiguity." Thus Sharon had reiterated his pet theory that it is possible to give Palestinians greater freedom of movement without having to go through Israeli army checkpoints by building elevated roads and tunnels to connect Palestinian territories that currently lie scattered. In other words, these comments indicate his intentions to avoid dismantling settlements that are dear to him and retain them as best he can.
The vicious cycle of Palestinian terrorist acts and Israel's targeted killings of Palestinian extremists and excessive military retaliation undertaken without regard for civilian casualties is often described as a "chicken or egg" situation, but we mustn't make light of the fact that Israeli occupation and settlements lie at the starting point of this vicious cycle. During the tripartite summit between U.S. President Bush, Israeli Prime Minister Sharon and Palestinian Prime Minister Abbas that took place in Aqaba, Sharon expressed his reluctance towards implementing the "Road Map," to which an irritated President Bush responded: "You can. Just do it!" CNN reported this incident to explain the background for the subsequent "softening" on the part of the Israeli side.
I only hope that such decisive words would some day be uttered with regard to the settlements as well.
The writer is a former NHK Commentator.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
「ロードマップ」と入植地
平山 健太郎 / 元NHK解説委員
2003年 7月 9日
私の手元に一枚の「ロードマップ」がある。中東和平への指針として注目されている同じ名称の文書のことではない。イスラエル占領下のヨルダン川西岸、この地図を印刷したイスラエルの有力地図メーカー「カルタ」（Carta）社の標記ではジュデア、サマリアの、現実の道路地図だ。パレスチナ側の都市や集落、大小のユダヤ人入植地、主要道路、支道、イスラエル軍や入植者の専用道路などが、克明に記載されている。そして、従来の協定によりイスラエル軍の手が及ばない「パレスチナ自治区Aゾーン」の境界が、とりわけはっきりと図示され、イスラエル人の旅行者たちに、絶対にその中に迷い込まないよう勧告し、道路沿いにある境界の標識が、パレスチナ側により意図的に取り除かれているおそれもあるので、現在地を道路地図でいつも確かめ続けるよう助言している。さらに、パレスチナ側の狙撃や投石の危険が予想される道路と、比較的安全な道路の区別、非常事態に備えての地域ごとの緊急連絡所とその電話番号が、ガソリンスタンドやイスラエル側治安機関の分屯地、緊急医療施設などの所在地、電話番号とともに、記載されている。
この地図は、パレスチナ側の騒乱「アルアクサ・インティファーダ」が始まった後の2001年、入植者団体により特注されたもので、先にふれた「緊急連絡所」には、常時、入植者団体の（武装した）当直者が詰め、交通事故、車両故障、パレスチナ側による襲撃、不審なうごきなど、あらゆる「有事」に対応する構えだ。旅行者に立ち入らないよう警告している「自治区Aゾーン」は、昨年春以後、大部分がイスラエル軍の「再占領下」にあるが、入植者にとっての路上の危険が去った訳ではないから、この特注地図の有用性は今も変わっていない。
一方、パレスチナ側も、騒乱以来強化されているイスラエル軍の常設、特設の検問所の間隙を縫って、封印された一つの自治区から他の自治区に、あるいはエルサレム市内やイスラエル領内に移動する抜け道案内を、皮肉な寓意を込めて彼ら自身の「ロードマップ」と呼んでいるという。安全の保証などもちろんない。
それらいずれもキナ臭さを伴う「ロードマップ」を無用のものに出来るかどうか、今後の成否が問われているのが、中東和平への指針「ロードマップ」（文書）だ。イスラエルの安全を脅かさないパレスチナ国家をさ来年末までに創設するというゴールを掲げ、治安の回復、暫定境界線による独立（2003年が目標）、入植地、エルサレム、難民帰国などさきの「オスロー合意」で果たせなかった難問の最終決着という段階を踏んだ行程表がそこには示されている。
気掛かりなのは、暫定、最終を問わずイスラエル、パレスチナ両者の境界線について、ブッシュ政権の「ロードマップ」が、地図を伴っていないことだ。「領土上の連続性を持つ、自立可能パレスチナ国家」、「1967年の戦争で始まった占領の終わり」などの言葉による指針が見られるだけである。これらの言葉からごく常識的に類推すれば、少なくも最終的な境界線は、クリントン米前大統領の任期切れ寸前の勧告を基礎に、パレスチナ側との「合意寸前」に漕ぎつけたタバ交渉（2001年1月）でのイスラエル側譲歩案（ガザの全域と「西岸」の96％返還案）に限りなく近いものになる筈だが、「クリントン・アレルギー」のブッシュ大統領がどう腹を決めることになるのだろうか？
ブッシュ大統領に波長を合わせるように、イスラエルのシャロン首相も「占領を終わらせる必要性」や「パレスチナ領土の連続性」に言及して、世間を驚かせたが、ほどなく、「パレスチナ人に対する占領支配」のことであって「土地」に言及したものではないと、「釈明」している。さらに、「パレスチナ領土の連続性（contiguity）は、交通上の連続性を意味するものだ」と、こちらについても「補足説明」している。現状では飛び石状に散らばったパレスチナ自治区相互の間を、高架道路やトンネルで結んでも、イスラエル軍の検問所を通らないパレスチナ人のより自由な移動が可能な筈だ、という持論。つまり自らが手塩にかけた入植地は極力、解体せずにそのまま保持したい意図が伺える発言だ。
イスラエルに対するパレスチナ側のテロ行為と、パレスチナ過激分子に対するイスラエル側の狙い撃ちの殺害、一般市民の巻き添えを顧みない過剰な軍事報復の悪循環が、ニワトリとタマゴによく例えられるが、この悪循環の出発点が、占領と入植にある事実を軽視すべきではなかろう。ブッシュ大統領とシャロン、アバス両首相のアカバでの三者会談で、「ロードマップ」の実行に難色を示したシャロン首相に対し、ブッシュ氏がいらだち、「出来る筈だ。やれ！」（”You can. Just do it!”）と告げたという話を、その後のイスラエル側の「柔軟化」の背景として、CNNが伝えていた。
入植地についても、いつか、そんな歯切れのよいせりふを、吐いてもらいたいものだ。
（筆者は元NHK解説委員）
この地図は、パレスチナ側の騒乱「アルアクサ・インティファーダ」が始まった後の2001年、入植者団体により特注されたもので、先にふれた「緊急連絡所」には、常時、入植者団体の（武装した）当直者が詰め、交通事故、車両故障、パレスチナ側による襲撃、不審なうごきなど、あらゆる「有事」に対応する構えだ。旅行者に立ち入らないよう警告している「自治区Aゾーン」は、昨年春以後、大部分がイスラエル軍の「再占領下」にあるが、入植者にとっての路上の危険が去った訳ではないから、この特注地図の有用性は今も変わっていない。
一方、パレスチナ側も、騒乱以来強化されているイスラエル軍の常設、特設の検問所の間隙を縫って、封印された一つの自治区から他の自治区に、あるいはエルサレム市内やイスラエル領内に移動する抜け道案内を、皮肉な寓意を込めて彼ら自身の「ロードマップ」と呼んでいるという。安全の保証などもちろんない。
それらいずれもキナ臭さを伴う「ロードマップ」を無用のものに出来るかどうか、今後の成否が問われているのが、中東和平への指針「ロードマップ」（文書）だ。イスラエルの安全を脅かさないパレスチナ国家をさ来年末までに創設するというゴールを掲げ、治安の回復、暫定境界線による独立（2003年が目標）、入植地、エルサレム、難民帰国などさきの「オスロー合意」で果たせなかった難問の最終決着という段階を踏んだ行程表がそこには示されている。
気掛かりなのは、暫定、最終を問わずイスラエル、パレスチナ両者の境界線について、ブッシュ政権の「ロードマップ」が、地図を伴っていないことだ。「領土上の連続性を持つ、自立可能パレスチナ国家」、「1967年の戦争で始まった占領の終わり」などの言葉による指針が見られるだけである。これらの言葉からごく常識的に類推すれば、少なくも最終的な境界線は、クリントン米前大統領の任期切れ寸前の勧告を基礎に、パレスチナ側との「合意寸前」に漕ぎつけたタバ交渉（2001年1月）でのイスラエル側譲歩案（ガザの全域と「西岸」の96％返還案）に限りなく近いものになる筈だが、「クリントン・アレルギー」のブッシュ大統領がどう腹を決めることになるのだろうか？
ブッシュ大統領に波長を合わせるように、イスラエルのシャロン首相も「占領を終わらせる必要性」や「パレスチナ領土の連続性」に言及して、世間を驚かせたが、ほどなく、「パレスチナ人に対する占領支配」のことであって「土地」に言及したものではないと、「釈明」している。さらに、「パレスチナ領土の連続性（contiguity）は、交通上の連続性を意味するものだ」と、こちらについても「補足説明」している。現状では飛び石状に散らばったパレスチナ自治区相互の間を、高架道路やトンネルで結んでも、イスラエル軍の検問所を通らないパレスチナ人のより自由な移動が可能な筈だ、という持論。つまり自らが手塩にかけた入植地は極力、解体せずにそのまま保持したい意図が伺える発言だ。
イスラエルに対するパレスチナ側のテロ行為と、パレスチナ過激分子に対するイスラエル側の狙い撃ちの殺害、一般市民の巻き添えを顧みない過剰な軍事報復の悪循環が、ニワトリとタマゴによく例えられるが、この悪循環の出発点が、占領と入植にある事実を軽視すべきではなかろう。ブッシュ大統領とシャロン、アバス両首相のアカバでの三者会談で、「ロードマップ」の実行に難色を示したシャロン首相に対し、ブッシュ氏がいらだち、「出来る筈だ。やれ！」（”You can. Just do it!”）と告げたという話を、その後のイスラエル側の「柔軟化」の背景として、CNNが伝えていた。
入植地についても、いつか、そんな歯切れのよいせりふを、吐いてもらいたいものだ。
（筆者は元NHK解説委員）
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟