Reviving Japanese Diplomacy
HYODO Nagao / Professor of Tokyo Keizai University
October 28, 2003
Japanese diplomacy has been on the receiving end of harsh criticism and demands both at home and abroad. In particular, criticism and accusations directed at the Foreign Ministry, the central player of diplomacy, have persisted within Japan. Regrettably, the ministry certainly doesn't appear to have shed its antiquated ways. But even if it succeeded in rectifying itself, that alone will not ensure a revival of Japanese diplomacy.
Today, the domestic and diplomatic agendas have become increasingly intertwined, and we cannot expect a revival in diplomacy unless changes are made on the domestic front. What I am alarmed in the international conferences I've attended lately is the dilution of Japanese presence in the discussions, with the exception of economic issues. The times have changed from 'Japan bashing' to 'Japan passing,' and nowadays even to 'Japan nothing,' according to some self-scorning Japanese. This is a reflection of the current deadlock in Japan and the lack of positive specific results that could lead to a breakthrough. In the final analysis, any escape from this misery depends on the outcome of Koizumi’s reforms.
I think his structural reform is on the right track in terms of its basic understanding and direction. The problem lies with the forces of resistance within Koizumi's own party that stand in the way of progress. The greatest curse against Japan's revival is the collusive structure of the 'iron triangle' comprising so-called 'zoku' (tribal) legislators of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) who cater to vested interests, industry and bureaucrats. And the latest fiasco surrounding the privatization of the Japan Highway Public Corporation and dismissal of its president offers a symbolic example. This is a typical case in which excellent bureaucrats who had contributed so much to the post-war reconstruction of Japan had lost their sense of mission to become 'zoku' bureaucrats who indulge in privileges and ignore the national interest by resisting reform.
Their counterparts, the 'zoku' members of the LDP, are meanwhile counting on getting re-elected in the coming general elections by riding the favorable winds of Koizumi's popularity. But they will shed their reformist appearances once elections are over, and are certain to put up a violent fight when the time comes to actually privatizing the National Highway Corporation and the postal service and decentralizing power. This is tantamount to a betrayal that ridicules the people. The majority of Japanese voters have no party allegiance, testifying to the despair they feel towards the current state of politics.
At the collapsed WTO ministerial negotiations in Mexico, Japan struck conspicuously a defensive position by insisting on protecting its agriculture centered on rice. The outcome of the Doha Round holds a critical importance for a trading nation like Japan. But nowadays there is no sign of the vigor Japan demonstrated in leading the Tokyo Round. Here again, the collusive structure of the iron triangle in the agricultural area is casting its dark shadow.
Calls for a third reform to follow the Meiji Restoration and the post-war reforms have been forthcoming for a long time now, but outpaced by slogans and rhetoric, only they have so far been in vain. Reforms led by then Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto, which were to revive the bureaucratic system, ended in a mere play of numbers and fiddling of organizational structures, leaving the collusive structure of the bureaucracy intact.
Unfortunately, the established recognition in the world is that Japanese diplomacy closely toes the U.S. line. In its manifesto for the general elections in November, the Democratic Party advocates pursuing diplomacy independent of the United States, with an emphasis on "expressing objections where necessary and taking action where cooperation is warranted." The problem is, until now Japan has been unable to act appropriately with regard to the United States and the global community, and there is still so much that it cannot do. In the global community, words alone don't count for much when it comes to persuasion.
Ultimately, the revival of Japanese diplomacy depends on whether or not Japan succeeds in implementing structural reforms equivalent to the Meiji Restoration.
The writer is Professor of Tokyo Keizai University. He is a former Ambassador to Belgium.
Today, the domestic and diplomatic agendas have become increasingly intertwined, and we cannot expect a revival in diplomacy unless changes are made on the domestic front. What I am alarmed in the international conferences I've attended lately is the dilution of Japanese presence in the discussions, with the exception of economic issues. The times have changed from 'Japan bashing' to 'Japan passing,' and nowadays even to 'Japan nothing,' according to some self-scorning Japanese. This is a reflection of the current deadlock in Japan and the lack of positive specific results that could lead to a breakthrough. In the final analysis, any escape from this misery depends on the outcome of Koizumi’s reforms.
I think his structural reform is on the right track in terms of its basic understanding and direction. The problem lies with the forces of resistance within Koizumi's own party that stand in the way of progress. The greatest curse against Japan's revival is the collusive structure of the 'iron triangle' comprising so-called 'zoku' (tribal) legislators of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) who cater to vested interests, industry and bureaucrats. And the latest fiasco surrounding the privatization of the Japan Highway Public Corporation and dismissal of its president offers a symbolic example. This is a typical case in which excellent bureaucrats who had contributed so much to the post-war reconstruction of Japan had lost their sense of mission to become 'zoku' bureaucrats who indulge in privileges and ignore the national interest by resisting reform.
Their counterparts, the 'zoku' members of the LDP, are meanwhile counting on getting re-elected in the coming general elections by riding the favorable winds of Koizumi's popularity. But they will shed their reformist appearances once elections are over, and are certain to put up a violent fight when the time comes to actually privatizing the National Highway Corporation and the postal service and decentralizing power. This is tantamount to a betrayal that ridicules the people. The majority of Japanese voters have no party allegiance, testifying to the despair they feel towards the current state of politics.
At the collapsed WTO ministerial negotiations in Mexico, Japan struck conspicuously a defensive position by insisting on protecting its agriculture centered on rice. The outcome of the Doha Round holds a critical importance for a trading nation like Japan. But nowadays there is no sign of the vigor Japan demonstrated in leading the Tokyo Round. Here again, the collusive structure of the iron triangle in the agricultural area is casting its dark shadow.
Calls for a third reform to follow the Meiji Restoration and the post-war reforms have been forthcoming for a long time now, but outpaced by slogans and rhetoric, only they have so far been in vain. Reforms led by then Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto, which were to revive the bureaucratic system, ended in a mere play of numbers and fiddling of organizational structures, leaving the collusive structure of the bureaucracy intact.
Unfortunately, the established recognition in the world is that Japanese diplomacy closely toes the U.S. line. In its manifesto for the general elections in November, the Democratic Party advocates pursuing diplomacy independent of the United States, with an emphasis on "expressing objections where necessary and taking action where cooperation is warranted." The problem is, until now Japan has been unable to act appropriately with regard to the United States and the global community, and there is still so much that it cannot do. In the global community, words alone don't count for much when it comes to persuasion.
Ultimately, the revival of Japanese diplomacy depends on whether or not Japan succeeds in implementing structural reforms equivalent to the Meiji Restoration.
The writer is Professor of Tokyo Keizai University. He is a former Ambassador to Belgium.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
日本外交の再生
兵藤 長雄 / 東京経済大学教授
2003年 10月 28日
わが国外交への厳しい批判、注文が内外から寄せられている。わけても外交プレイヤーの中核、外務省への批判、非難が国内では依然強い。確かに外務省は旧態依然の体質から残念ながら脱皮したとは未だ見えない。しかし、仮に外務省が立派に再生できたとしても、それだけでは外交の再生は難しい。
外交と内政の一体化が進む中、内政が旧態依然の儘では外交の再生は所詮無理な話だ。最近国際会議に顔を出して印象深いのは、経済問題は別として、議論の中での日本の存在感の希薄化である。今やバッシング、パッシングからナッシングの時代と自嘲する者まで現れた。これは今日の日本の閉塞状態、それを打破する積極的な具体的結果が見えてこないことの反映だ。このような惨状からの脱却、それは煎じ詰めれば小泉改革の成否にかかっている。
小泉構造改革は、その基本的認識も方向性も私は正しいと思う。問題は構造改革が小泉首相のお膝元の抵抗勢力によっていっこうに進まないことだ。鉄の三角形と言われる自民党の族議員、業界、官僚の癒着腐敗構造こそ日本の再生を阻んでいる最大の癌だ。その象徴的事例が最近の道路公団民営化、公団総裁解任をめぐる醜態だ。戦後復興に貢献してきた優秀な官僚が、使命感を失くし甘い汁を吸う族官僚と化し、国民の利益を無視して改革に抵抗している典型だ。
これに呼応する自民党の族議員達は、来る総選挙では小泉首相を担いで小泉人気の追い風で当選を果たそうとしているが、選挙では改革派のような顔をしても選挙が終わり、道路公団や郵貯の民営化、地方分権化が具体化する段階になると激しく抵抗することは必死だ。これは国民を愚弄する背信行為だ。国民の過半数が支持政党を見つけることができないのは、国民がこのような政治の現状に絶望している証左だ。
決裂したメキシコでのWTO閣僚会議では、コメを中心とする農業保護に腐心し守勢的な立場が目立った。ドーハ・ラウンドの成否は貿易立国日本にとって死活的重要性を持っている。しかし今は東京ラウンドをリードした気迫は見えない。ここにも農業分野での鉄の三角形、癒着構造が色濃く影を落としている。
明治維新、戦後改革に次ぐ第三の改革の必要性が叫ばれてから久しいが、スローガンやレトリックのみが先走り、空回りしてきた。官僚組織の再生を謳った橋本行革は単なる数合わせ、機構いじりに終わり、官僚の癒着腐敗構造は温存された。
残念ながら世界の中で、日本外交即対米追随という認識が定着している。11月の総選挙に向けた民主党のマニフェストは対米自主外交を前面に掲げ、「言うべきは言う、協力すべきは行う」ことを強調している。問題は今まで日本が対米関係でも国際社会においても、行うべきことを行ってこなかった、今も行えないことが多すぎることだ。言うだけでは国際社会では説得力を持たない。
明治維新に匹敵するような構造改革ができるか否か、日本外交の再生も究極的には之にかかっている。
（筆者は東京経済大学教授。前駐ベルギー大使。）
外交と内政の一体化が進む中、内政が旧態依然の儘では外交の再生は所詮無理な話だ。最近国際会議に顔を出して印象深いのは、経済問題は別として、議論の中での日本の存在感の希薄化である。今やバッシング、パッシングからナッシングの時代と自嘲する者まで現れた。これは今日の日本の閉塞状態、それを打破する積極的な具体的結果が見えてこないことの反映だ。このような惨状からの脱却、それは煎じ詰めれば小泉改革の成否にかかっている。
小泉構造改革は、その基本的認識も方向性も私は正しいと思う。問題は構造改革が小泉首相のお膝元の抵抗勢力によっていっこうに進まないことだ。鉄の三角形と言われる自民党の族議員、業界、官僚の癒着腐敗構造こそ日本の再生を阻んでいる最大の癌だ。その象徴的事例が最近の道路公団民営化、公団総裁解任をめぐる醜態だ。戦後復興に貢献してきた優秀な官僚が、使命感を失くし甘い汁を吸う族官僚と化し、国民の利益を無視して改革に抵抗している典型だ。
これに呼応する自民党の族議員達は、来る総選挙では小泉首相を担いで小泉人気の追い風で当選を果たそうとしているが、選挙では改革派のような顔をしても選挙が終わり、道路公団や郵貯の民営化、地方分権化が具体化する段階になると激しく抵抗することは必死だ。これは国民を愚弄する背信行為だ。国民の過半数が支持政党を見つけることができないのは、国民がこのような政治の現状に絶望している証左だ。
決裂したメキシコでのWTO閣僚会議では、コメを中心とする農業保護に腐心し守勢的な立場が目立った。ドーハ・ラウンドの成否は貿易立国日本にとって死活的重要性を持っている。しかし今は東京ラウンドをリードした気迫は見えない。ここにも農業分野での鉄の三角形、癒着構造が色濃く影を落としている。
明治維新、戦後改革に次ぐ第三の改革の必要性が叫ばれてから久しいが、スローガンやレトリックのみが先走り、空回りしてきた。官僚組織の再生を謳った橋本行革は単なる数合わせ、機構いじりに終わり、官僚の癒着腐敗構造は温存された。
残念ながら世界の中で、日本外交即対米追随という認識が定着している。11月の総選挙に向けた民主党のマニフェストは対米自主外交を前面に掲げ、「言うべきは言う、協力すべきは行う」ことを強調している。問題は今まで日本が対米関係でも国際社会においても、行うべきことを行ってこなかった、今も行えないことが多すぎることだ。言うだけでは国際社会では説得力を持たない。
明治維新に匹敵するような構造改革ができるか否か、日本外交の再生も究極的には之にかかっている。
（筆者は東京経済大学教授。前駐ベルギー大使。）
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟