The United States' Resilience to Overturn the "Existing Order"
WATANABE Yasushi / Professor, Keio University
July 18, 2008
The race for the nomination of the Democratic candidate for the US presidential election ended with Barack Obama's victory. From the initial battle in Iowa to the closing games of South Dakota and Montana, as the result of each primary came out, I took out the map to check the voting behaviors of the various communities that I had known through my field studies.
Upon close, precinct-by-precinct examination, it turns out that Obama showed overwhelming strength in the areas where many African-Americans live, but in the adjacent areas mainly populated by white blue-color workers and Hispanic immigrants, he uniformly had a hard fight. Quite a few inhabitants of these areas are in competition with African-Americans in the labor market, and tensions arise as these groups fight for space to live in. With all his eloquent appeals for "hope" and "change", it is no easy task for Obama to dispel the wariness on the part of these people.
Such wariness was compounded by the anti-white invectives of Rev. Jeremiah Wright, the African-American pastor whom Obama had regarded as his mentor. In his efforts to be accepted, despite his Hawaiian upbringing and elite education, in Chicago's poverty-stricken area that was to be the center of his political activities, Obama might have had little choice other than to associate himself with the locally influential African-American church led by this pastor. Perversely, Obama's relationship with the pastor hurt his image and continued to cast a dark shadow over his campaign.
Obama's victory in the primaries seems to signify the surmounting of the "wall of race" in American society. However, there remain layers of psychological dividing lines regarding "race". Obama's election strategy has been to refrain from parading his African-American identity up front. That in itself is a sign of just how delicate the issue of "race" is. About a hundred years ago, the legendary African-American leader W. E. B. Du Bois had already warned that "integration" with whites based on such a passive stance would only mean defeatist "appeasement" for blacks.
It is unlikely that McCain's Republican camp would blatantly use the "race" card in the presidential election. It would be too risky politically, and would not seem to be in keeping with his principle. However, there is ample possibility that, irrespective of the position of the McCain camp, the "independent" groups would shrewdly manipulate and stir up the wariness on the part of the voters. In the 2004 presidential election, a group called the "Swift Boat Veterans for Truth" staged a smear campaign on the war record of John Kerry, the Democratic candidate, and played a big part in bringing about the Republican victory.
At the same time, it is not just the shadows of American society that have been brought into relief by this year's primaries.
It is nothing short of a wonder that, without relying on donations from political action committees (PACs) or lobbyist groups, Obama managed to raise 90% of his campaign funds through personal contributions in increments as small as $5. In recent years, campaign operations have become, if anything, larger and larger. Hillary Clinton had had an overwhelming lead over Barack Obama on every count --- funds, organization and name recognition. Obama's victory against all these odds has shattered the accepted wisdom in politics. It demonstrated the dynamism of American society which enlivened a counter-discourse to the existing order. Herein lies the essence of "Obamania".
Alexis de Tocqueville, the 19th century French thinker, noted that an important characteristic of the Americans is not that they are culturally more enlightened than others, but that they have the capacity to correct their own failings. We should not overlook the resilience of American democracy that has pushed Obama, coming from a family with a Kenyan father and not well-off, upward to where he is now, just a step away from the pinnacle of power, the White House.
When the Democratic National Committee's Rules and Bylaws Committee met to rule on the seating at the Convention of the delegates from Florida and Michigan, its deliberation and voting were broadcast live by CNN and other American channels. As I watched the series of intense and heated debates, I felt that I was seeing democracy in triumph instead of backroom politics. I am sure that I was not the only one who felt this.
Obama has tremendous support among the young. A record number of youths felt stirred by Obama and went to the polling booths to cast their first votes. As had been the case with John F. Kennedy decades ago, some among them no doubt felt so inspired by Obama that they may well be contemplating a political career some day in the future.
I feel envious of the United States for embracing such political leaders.
The writer is professor at Keio University. This article first appeared in the June 13, 2008 edition of the Yomiuri Shimbun newspaper.
Upon close, precinct-by-precinct examination, it turns out that Obama showed overwhelming strength in the areas where many African-Americans live, but in the adjacent areas mainly populated by white blue-color workers and Hispanic immigrants, he uniformly had a hard fight. Quite a few inhabitants of these areas are in competition with African-Americans in the labor market, and tensions arise as these groups fight for space to live in. With all his eloquent appeals for "hope" and "change", it is no easy task for Obama to dispel the wariness on the part of these people.
Such wariness was compounded by the anti-white invectives of Rev. Jeremiah Wright, the African-American pastor whom Obama had regarded as his mentor. In his efforts to be accepted, despite his Hawaiian upbringing and elite education, in Chicago's poverty-stricken area that was to be the center of his political activities, Obama might have had little choice other than to associate himself with the locally influential African-American church led by this pastor. Perversely, Obama's relationship with the pastor hurt his image and continued to cast a dark shadow over his campaign.
Obama's victory in the primaries seems to signify the surmounting of the "wall of race" in American society. However, there remain layers of psychological dividing lines regarding "race". Obama's election strategy has been to refrain from parading his African-American identity up front. That in itself is a sign of just how delicate the issue of "race" is. About a hundred years ago, the legendary African-American leader W. E. B. Du Bois had already warned that "integration" with whites based on such a passive stance would only mean defeatist "appeasement" for blacks.
It is unlikely that McCain's Republican camp would blatantly use the "race" card in the presidential election. It would be too risky politically, and would not seem to be in keeping with his principle. However, there is ample possibility that, irrespective of the position of the McCain camp, the "independent" groups would shrewdly manipulate and stir up the wariness on the part of the voters. In the 2004 presidential election, a group called the "Swift Boat Veterans for Truth" staged a smear campaign on the war record of John Kerry, the Democratic candidate, and played a big part in bringing about the Republican victory.
At the same time, it is not just the shadows of American society that have been brought into relief by this year's primaries.
It is nothing short of a wonder that, without relying on donations from political action committees (PACs) or lobbyist groups, Obama managed to raise 90% of his campaign funds through personal contributions in increments as small as $5. In recent years, campaign operations have become, if anything, larger and larger. Hillary Clinton had had an overwhelming lead over Barack Obama on every count --- funds, organization and name recognition. Obama's victory against all these odds has shattered the accepted wisdom in politics. It demonstrated the dynamism of American society which enlivened a counter-discourse to the existing order. Herein lies the essence of "Obamania".
Alexis de Tocqueville, the 19th century French thinker, noted that an important characteristic of the Americans is not that they are culturally more enlightened than others, but that they have the capacity to correct their own failings. We should not overlook the resilience of American democracy that has pushed Obama, coming from a family with a Kenyan father and not well-off, upward to where he is now, just a step away from the pinnacle of power, the White House.
When the Democratic National Committee's Rules and Bylaws Committee met to rule on the seating at the Convention of the delegates from Florida and Michigan, its deliberation and voting were broadcast live by CNN and other American channels. As I watched the series of intense and heated debates, I felt that I was seeing democracy in triumph instead of backroom politics. I am sure that I was not the only one who felt this.
Obama has tremendous support among the young. A record number of youths felt stirred by Obama and went to the polling booths to cast their first votes. As had been the case with John F. Kennedy decades ago, some among them no doubt felt so inspired by Obama that they may well be contemplating a political career some day in the future.
I feel envious of the United States for embracing such political leaders.
The writer is professor at Keio University. This article first appeared in the June 13, 2008 edition of the Yomiuri Shimbun newspaper.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
「既存体制」覆す米国の底力
渡辺 靖 / 慶応大学教授
2008年 7月 18日
米大統領選の民主党候補者指名レースはオバマの勝利に終わった。緒戦のアイオワ州から最終戦のサウスダコタ・モンタナ両州に至るまで、開票結果の詳細が明らかになるたびに、私は地図を取出し、これまで調査で訪れた種々のコミュニティがどう投票したのかを追った。
投票区（precinct）ごとに細かく見てみると、オバマは黒人が多く住む地区では圧倒的に強いものの、そこに隣接する白人労働者やヒスパニック系移民が多く暮らす地区では軒並み苦戦していることに気づく。そうした地区では、黒人と労働市場において競合関係、生活空間において緊張関係にある住民も少なくない。オバマがどれだけ＜希望＞や＜変革＞を雄弁に唱えたところで、彼らの警戒心を解くことは容易ではない。
そうした警戒心を煽ってしまったのが、オバマが師と仰いできた黒人牧師による白人敵視発言だった。ハワイで育ち、エリート教育を受けてきたオバマが、政治活動の拠点とするシカゴの貧困地区で受け入れられるためは、地元で影響力のある同師の黒人教会との関係はやむを得ない面もあったろう。しかし、皮肉にも、同師との関係がオバマのイメージを傷つけ、その後の選挙戦に深い影を落とし続ける結果となった。
オバマの勝利は米社会における＜人種の壁＞の超克を印象づけるが、＜人種＞を区別する心の境界線は、依然、幾重にも存在する。＜黒人＞であることを前面に出さないのがオバマ流の選挙戦略だが、それは＜人種＞がいかにデリケートな問題であるかの裏返しでもある。今を遡ること一〇〇年ほど前、伝説的な黒人指導者W・E・B・デュボイスは、そうした消極的姿勢からの白人との＜融和＞が黒人にとって敗北主義的な＜宥和＞に過ぎないと警告している。
共和党のマケイン陣営が本戦で＜人種＞カードを露骨に用いることは考えにくい。政治的リスクが高すぎるし、マケイン個人の信条にもそぐわないだろう。しかし、陣営とは無関係な＜独立系＞団体が有権者の警戒心を巧妙に煽ってくる可能性は十分にある。前回（二〇〇四年）の大統領選では＜真実を求める高速艇退役軍人の会＞を名乗る団体が、民主党候補者の軍歴への中傷攻撃を仕掛け、共和党勝利に大きな役割を果たしている。
とはいえ、今回の予備選が照射したのは米社会の影ばかりではない。
オバマが、政治活動委員会（PAC）や各種ロビイスト団体からの献金に拠ることなく、わずか五ドルからできる小口の寄付を集めることで選挙資金の九割を調達したことは驚異的とか言いようがない。近年、選挙戦のオペレーションは巨大化の一途にあるが、資金力・組織力・知名度のいずれにおいても突出していたクリントンを破ったことは、これまでの政治の定石を覆すものだった。既存の体制へのカウンター・ディスコース（対抗言説）を可能にする米社会のダイナミズムを証左した点にこそ＜オバマ旋風＞の本質的意義があるのだと思う。
一九世紀のフランスの思想家トクヴィルは「米国人の重大な特典は、他の諸国民よりも文化的に啓蒙されていることではなく、欠点を自ら矯正する能力をもっていることにある」と述べている。ケニヤ出身の父親を持ち、経済的にも恵まれなかったオバマを、権力の中枢たるホワイトハウスの一歩手前まで押し上げた米国の民主主義の底力を看過してはなるまい。
フロリダ・ミシガン両州の代議員の処遇をめぐって開催された民主党の党規委員会の審議・投票の模様は米ＣＮＮテレビなどで生中継された。極めて激しい議論が続いたが、そこに密室政治ではなく、民主主義の勝利を見たのは私だけではないはずだ。
オバマは若者から絶大な支持を得ている。オバマに鼓舞され、初めて投票所に足を運んだ若者は記録的な数に上る。かつてのケネディ大統領の時のように、いつの日か、オバマに憧れて政治家を志す若者も出てくるに違いない。
そんな政治家を抱ける米国が羨ましい。
（筆者は慶應義塾大学 教授。本稿は２００８年６月１３日付読売新聞に掲載された。）
投票区（precinct）ごとに細かく見てみると、オバマは黒人が多く住む地区では圧倒的に強いものの、そこに隣接する白人労働者やヒスパニック系移民が多く暮らす地区では軒並み苦戦していることに気づく。そうした地区では、黒人と労働市場において競合関係、生活空間において緊張関係にある住民も少なくない。オバマがどれだけ＜希望＞や＜変革＞を雄弁に唱えたところで、彼らの警戒心を解くことは容易ではない。
そうした警戒心を煽ってしまったのが、オバマが師と仰いできた黒人牧師による白人敵視発言だった。ハワイで育ち、エリート教育を受けてきたオバマが、政治活動の拠点とするシカゴの貧困地区で受け入れられるためは、地元で影響力のある同師の黒人教会との関係はやむを得ない面もあったろう。しかし、皮肉にも、同師との関係がオバマのイメージを傷つけ、その後の選挙戦に深い影を落とし続ける結果となった。
オバマの勝利は米社会における＜人種の壁＞の超克を印象づけるが、＜人種＞を区別する心の境界線は、依然、幾重にも存在する。＜黒人＞であることを前面に出さないのがオバマ流の選挙戦略だが、それは＜人種＞がいかにデリケートな問題であるかの裏返しでもある。今を遡ること一〇〇年ほど前、伝説的な黒人指導者W・E・B・デュボイスは、そうした消極的姿勢からの白人との＜融和＞が黒人にとって敗北主義的な＜宥和＞に過ぎないと警告している。
共和党のマケイン陣営が本戦で＜人種＞カードを露骨に用いることは考えにくい。政治的リスクが高すぎるし、マケイン個人の信条にもそぐわないだろう。しかし、陣営とは無関係な＜独立系＞団体が有権者の警戒心を巧妙に煽ってくる可能性は十分にある。前回（二〇〇四年）の大統領選では＜真実を求める高速艇退役軍人の会＞を名乗る団体が、民主党候補者の軍歴への中傷攻撃を仕掛け、共和党勝利に大きな役割を果たしている。
とはいえ、今回の予備選が照射したのは米社会の影ばかりではない。
オバマが、政治活動委員会（PAC）や各種ロビイスト団体からの献金に拠ることなく、わずか五ドルからできる小口の寄付を集めることで選挙資金の九割を調達したことは驚異的とか言いようがない。近年、選挙戦のオペレーションは巨大化の一途にあるが、資金力・組織力・知名度のいずれにおいても突出していたクリントンを破ったことは、これまでの政治の定石を覆すものだった。既存の体制へのカウンター・ディスコース（対抗言説）を可能にする米社会のダイナミズムを証左した点にこそ＜オバマ旋風＞の本質的意義があるのだと思う。
一九世紀のフランスの思想家トクヴィルは「米国人の重大な特典は、他の諸国民よりも文化的に啓蒙されていることではなく、欠点を自ら矯正する能力をもっていることにある」と述べている。ケニヤ出身の父親を持ち、経済的にも恵まれなかったオバマを、権力の中枢たるホワイトハウスの一歩手前まで押し上げた米国の民主主義の底力を看過してはなるまい。
フロリダ・ミシガン両州の代議員の処遇をめぐって開催された民主党の党規委員会の審議・投票の模様は米ＣＮＮテレビなどで生中継された。極めて激しい議論が続いたが、そこに密室政治ではなく、民主主義の勝利を見たのは私だけではないはずだ。
オバマは若者から絶大な支持を得ている。オバマに鼓舞され、初めて投票所に足を運んだ若者は記録的な数に上る。かつてのケネディ大統領の時のように、いつの日か、オバマに憧れて政治家を志す若者も出てくるに違いない。
そんな政治家を抱ける米国が羨ましい。
（筆者は慶應義塾大学 教授。本稿は２００８年６月１３日付読売新聞に掲載された。）
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟