Building A New Relationship Between Japan and Russia
HYODO Nagao / Professor of Tokyo Keizai University
September 17, 2001
This month, a ceremony took place to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the signing of the San Francisco Peace Treaty, by which Japan formally put an end to World War II and joined the post-war international community. However, more than half a century after the war, Japan is still very much the focus of attention both domestically and internationally regarding its history textbooks, its Prime Minister's homage to Yasukuni Shrine and its treatment of former prisoners of war. These issues are the legacy of World War II in which Japan's stance as the wrongdoer is being seriously questioned.
Meanwhile, there is also a legacy of World War II in which Japan was the victim, which is easily forgotten in the shadow of its other legacy. And that is the issue involving the former Soviet Union. While international recognition has grown for the Northern Territories issue, a very little known fact is that the Soviet Union entered the war six days before Japan's surrender and after the end of the war took 600,000 Japanese soldiers to forced labor camps within Soviet territory as prisoners, 60,000 of whom died under severe labor conditions. On these two issues, the Soviet Union had maintained a high-handed, rigid stance as a victor nation, creating a major obstacle to the development of a relationship of trust between Japan and the Soviet Union.
However, the situation began to improve significantly as the then Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev began pursuing his "New Thinking" diplomacy. During his visit to Japan in 1991 - the first by a Soviet leader - President Gorbachev demonstrated a positive attitude towards resolving the title of the four islands in question and signing a peace treaty - in the first admission that a territorial issue existed - and went on to meet Japanese representatives of former Siberian POWs.
As the new era of the Russian Federation began, President Boris Yeltsin visited Japan in 1993 and signed the Tokyo Declaration, which defined the principle of resolving territorial issues on the basis of "law and justice." Furthermore, though unofficial, President Yeltsin expressed his heartfelt regrets towards former Siberian POWs.
These developments had epochal significance for Japan's relationship with the Soviet Union and later Russia, which had remained locked in a long cold winter. For the Japanese people, the Northern Territories issue is indeed one in which "law and justice" is should prevail. Since then, negotiations have continued to this day with no concrete solutions in sight. While I am concerned that the Japanese government may be too hasty in its approach in conducting recent negotiations, I am not pessimistic about the future of these territorial negotiations.
There is no doubt that Russia is a beneficial neighbor for Japan's development in the 21st century, and similarly, or even more so, Japan is for Russia a valuable neighbor. The scope of possible cooperation between the two countries in the Asia-Pacific and the Far East regions is expected to expand significantly. There is no way that President Vladimir Putin, with his hardheaded, utilitarian diplomacy, would overlook such an opportunity.
Having been involved with negotiations with the Russians for years, I believe that it is most important to maintain a resolute and unshakable stance, along with utmost sincerity. This is applicable to diplomatic relations with any country. If Japan as a victim expects Russia to demonstrate sincerity, we as the wrongdoer should also demonstrate sincerity in the difficult issues involving our neighbors.
The writer is Professor of Tokyo Keizai University. He is a former Ambassador to Belgium.
Meanwhile, there is also a legacy of World War II in which Japan was the victim, which is easily forgotten in the shadow of its other legacy. And that is the issue involving the former Soviet Union. While international recognition has grown for the Northern Territories issue, a very little known fact is that the Soviet Union entered the war six days before Japan's surrender and after the end of the war took 600,000 Japanese soldiers to forced labor camps within Soviet territory as prisoners, 60,000 of whom died under severe labor conditions. On these two issues, the Soviet Union had maintained a high-handed, rigid stance as a victor nation, creating a major obstacle to the development of a relationship of trust between Japan and the Soviet Union.
However, the situation began to improve significantly as the then Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev began pursuing his "New Thinking" diplomacy. During his visit to Japan in 1991 - the first by a Soviet leader - President Gorbachev demonstrated a positive attitude towards resolving the title of the four islands in question and signing a peace treaty - in the first admission that a territorial issue existed - and went on to meet Japanese representatives of former Siberian POWs.
As the new era of the Russian Federation began, President Boris Yeltsin visited Japan in 1993 and signed the Tokyo Declaration, which defined the principle of resolving territorial issues on the basis of "law and justice." Furthermore, though unofficial, President Yeltsin expressed his heartfelt regrets towards former Siberian POWs.
These developments had epochal significance for Japan's relationship with the Soviet Union and later Russia, which had remained locked in a long cold winter. For the Japanese people, the Northern Territories issue is indeed one in which "law and justice" is should prevail. Since then, negotiations have continued to this day with no concrete solutions in sight. While I am concerned that the Japanese government may be too hasty in its approach in conducting recent negotiations, I am not pessimistic about the future of these territorial negotiations.
There is no doubt that Russia is a beneficial neighbor for Japan's development in the 21st century, and similarly, or even more so, Japan is for Russia a valuable neighbor. The scope of possible cooperation between the two countries in the Asia-Pacific and the Far East regions is expected to expand significantly. There is no way that President Vladimir Putin, with his hardheaded, utilitarian diplomacy, would overlook such an opportunity.
Having been involved with negotiations with the Russians for years, I believe that it is most important to maintain a resolute and unshakable stance, along with utmost sincerity. This is applicable to diplomatic relations with any country. If Japan as a victim expects Russia to demonstrate sincerity, we as the wrongdoer should also demonstrate sincerity in the difficult issues involving our neighbors.
The writer is Professor of Tokyo Keizai University. He is a former Ambassador to Belgium.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
新しい日露関係を築くために
兵藤 長雄 / 東京経済大学教授
2001年 9月 17日
第二次世界大戦に正式に終止符を打って日本が戦後の国際社会に仲間入りを果たしたサンフランシスコ平和条約調印５０周年記念式典が９月初旬行われた。しかし、戦後半世紀以上も経った今も歴史教科書、総理の靖国参拝、戦争捕慮の問題が内外の大きな注目を集めている。これらの問題は、何れも加害者としてのわが国の姿勢が真剣に問われている第二次世界大戦の遺産である。
一方、わが国には第二次大戦の被害者としての遺産もあることはその蔭で忘れられやすい。旧ソ連との問題である。北方領土問題は国際的にもかなり認識されるようになっているが、ソ連が日本の降伏６日前に対日参戦し、戦争終結後６０万人の日本軍人をソ連領内に連行して強制労働に服せしめ、過酷な労働条件の下で６万人の犠牲者が出たことは殆ど知られていない。この二つの問題については、ソ連は戦勝者として高圧的な硬直姿勢を貫いて日ソ間の信頼関係発展の大きな阻害要因になっていた。
しかし、ゴルバチョフの新思考外交の展開と共に状況は大きく変わり始めた。ゴルバチョフ大統領は１９９１年、初めてのソ連首脳として訪日の際、それまで問題の存在すら否定していた領土問題について、四島の帰属問題を解決して平和条約を締結することに積極的姿勢を示し、初めてシベリア抑留者の代表と会見した。
ロシア連邦の新時代に入り、１９９３年、エリツィン大統領訪日の際署名された東京宣言は、領土問題が「法と正義」に基づいて解決されるべきだとの原則を明記した。また、エリツィン大統領は非公式ながらシベリア抑留者に対して心からの遺憾の意を表明した。
これらの進展は長い冬の時代が続いた日ソ・日露関係にとっては画期的なことであった。北方領土問題は日本国民にとっては、何よりも先ず、「法と正義」の実現の問題だからである。それ以降、交渉は今日迄、続けられているが、未だ解決の目途は具体的にはたっていない。最近の日本政府の交渉ぶりを見ていると、拙速の懸念を抱かせる面もあるが、私は領土交渉については悲観論者ではない。
ロシアは二十一世紀の日本の発展にとって有益な隣人であるのと同様、あるいはそれ以上に日本はロシアにとって貴重な隣人であることは間違いない。アジア・大平洋、就中極東地域において日露両国が協力できる可能性はこれから大きく拡っていくであろう。プーチン大統領の冷徹な実利外交がこの可能性を見逃す筈がない。
長年ソ連との交渉に携わって感じたのは、結局最も大切なのは、如何なる揺さぶりにも応じない一貫して毅然とした姿勢と誠心誠意ではないかと思う。そしてこれはすべての国との外交にも当てはまる。わが国が被害者としてロシアに誠意を期待するのであれば、今日の近隣諸国との難しい問題についても、加害者として自らも誠意を尽くさねばならないと思う。
（筆者は東京経済大学教授。前駐ベルギー大使。）
一方、わが国には第二次大戦の被害者としての遺産もあることはその蔭で忘れられやすい。旧ソ連との問題である。北方領土問題は国際的にもかなり認識されるようになっているが、ソ連が日本の降伏６日前に対日参戦し、戦争終結後６０万人の日本軍人をソ連領内に連行して強制労働に服せしめ、過酷な労働条件の下で６万人の犠牲者が出たことは殆ど知られていない。この二つの問題については、ソ連は戦勝者として高圧的な硬直姿勢を貫いて日ソ間の信頼関係発展の大きな阻害要因になっていた。
しかし、ゴルバチョフの新思考外交の展開と共に状況は大きく変わり始めた。ゴルバチョフ大統領は１９９１年、初めてのソ連首脳として訪日の際、それまで問題の存在すら否定していた領土問題について、四島の帰属問題を解決して平和条約を締結することに積極的姿勢を示し、初めてシベリア抑留者の代表と会見した。
ロシア連邦の新時代に入り、１９９３年、エリツィン大統領訪日の際署名された東京宣言は、領土問題が「法と正義」に基づいて解決されるべきだとの原則を明記した。また、エリツィン大統領は非公式ながらシベリア抑留者に対して心からの遺憾の意を表明した。
これらの進展は長い冬の時代が続いた日ソ・日露関係にとっては画期的なことであった。北方領土問題は日本国民にとっては、何よりも先ず、「法と正義」の実現の問題だからである。それ以降、交渉は今日迄、続けられているが、未だ解決の目途は具体的にはたっていない。最近の日本政府の交渉ぶりを見ていると、拙速の懸念を抱かせる面もあるが、私は領土交渉については悲観論者ではない。
ロシアは二十一世紀の日本の発展にとって有益な隣人であるのと同様、あるいはそれ以上に日本はロシアにとって貴重な隣人であることは間違いない。アジア・大平洋、就中極東地域において日露両国が協力できる可能性はこれから大きく拡っていくであろう。プーチン大統領の冷徹な実利外交がこの可能性を見逃す筈がない。
長年ソ連との交渉に携わって感じたのは、結局最も大切なのは、如何なる揺さぶりにも応じない一貫して毅然とした姿勢と誠心誠意ではないかと思う。そしてこれはすべての国との外交にも当てはまる。わが国が被害者としてロシアに誠意を期待するのであれば、今日の近隣諸国との難しい問題についても、加害者として自らも誠意を尽くさねばならないと思う。
（筆者は東京経済大学教授。前駐ベルギー大使。）
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟