Darkening Skies Over Japan's Self Defense Forces in Iraq
KITAMURA Fumio / Journalist
August 24, 2004
The Iraq War, forcibly pursued by the U.S. administration of President George Bush, has been strongly criticized by the mainstream of the international community for the ambiguity of evidence cited as grounds for launching the attack and the lack of legal justification based on international law. As if symbolizing its growing isolation, the United States and its allies have been described as a "Coalition of the Willing" -- a peculiar term seldom used in international politics. This makes it all the more important for President Bush to praise the world's second-largest economic power for its decision to send troops to Iraq and to name Japan after the United Kingdom as a country contributing to the establishment of stability and democracy in Iraq.
However, it is a well-known fact both in Japan and abroad that the Self Defense Forces (SDF) was dispatched with the limited purpose of providing "humanitarian support for post-war reconstruction" that excludes partaking in "activities for maintaining order." The SDF therefore has a unique place within the "Coalition of the Willing." Two contradictory factors lie in the background that led to limiting the role of the SDF. Needless to say, the first factor involves the Japanese Constitution that prohibits the use of military force and mounting public opinion against the Iraq War. The other involves the government's consideration for U.S. relations that it describes as the axis of Japanese diplomacy. When Fujiwara Kiichi, a renowned scholar of international politics and Professor at Tokyo University, said with a certain measure of ridicule that "the Self Defense Forces are in effect protecting Japan's alliance with the United States," he succinctly expressed the crux of the issue.
Caught in this dilemma, Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro and his administration sought to dispatch the SDF to an area in Iraq where "no military activity is involved." As a result, Samawa in southern Iraq was chosen as the SDF camping site. And it was from Musanna Prefecture where Samawa is located, that seven leaders recently visited Japan at the invitation of a non-governmental organization. These included two theologians, two doctors, a pharmaceutical engineer and two teachers.
The two-hour discussion with the leaders offered a valuable opportunity to understand the feelings Samawa residents have towards the SDF and to gain a glimpse into the highly complicated nature of Iraqi society. The seven guests spoke as one as they began by expressing their affection and gratitude for members of the SDF. Theologian Said Ali Almaili said he was "impressed by the devoted actions of SDF members," and added that "the Japanese people should rest assured that law and order is being maintained in Samawa." The other theologian, Sheikh Maad Alwaili, disclosed he had issued a 'fatwa' -- religious decree -- prohibiting any attack against the SDF during the Islamic day of worship observed every Friday.
But as the exchange of views deepened, the gap between the increasingly desperate state of bloodshed that prevails throughout Iraq and the comments made by the seven guests became more apparent. Their perspective was limited to Musanna Prefecture. Though strongly attached to their own local community, their awareness as Iraqi nationals seemed exceedingly weak. I posed a question - "Why is law and order being maintained in Samawa when murder and destruction is rampant throughout Iraq?" Mr. Almaili responded with pride that it was due to the "deep relationship of trust that exists between major tribe leaders in our area." Listening to his response I was captivated by a dark premonition concerning Iraq's future.
Why should their dependence on tribes, local communities and religious factions be stronger than their sense of belonging to a nation? While the ultimate cause could be traced back to Iraq's history of domination by the Ottoman Empire and England, the greatest factor must surely lie with the oppression suffered under the regime of Saddam Hussein. For Iraqis, solidarity centered on the tribe and on religious factions served as the foundation in protecting themselves and their families from the terrifying atrocities of the Saddam regime. The bloody rule of terror left behind a legacy that has ripped apart the deepest fabric of Iraqi society. And this, paradoxically, was the secret behind the exclusive sense of security in Samawa.
Iraq is a major country in the Middle East with a total population of 25 million. Samawa, with a population of roughly 40,000, or 185,000 including its neighboring areas, represents only a small portion of that whole. There, its people have maintained their own secluded social order. And there, in that small local community, the SDF continues to provide 'humanitarian support for reconstruction.' Iraqis living in other regions must surely see the SDF as a member of the U.S.-led military alliance. And the more praise President Bush showers on Japan for sending the SDF, the stronger the perception of 'Japan as follower of America' becomes in the minds of ordinary Iraqi citizens.
What I fear strongly is the possibility that the 'wall' that isolates the 'secure' region of Samawa from the rest of Iraq will be torn down by anti-U.S. sentiments that now permeate the country, making the SDF a target for attack. Is the Japanese government prepared to take realistic countermeasures when faced with such a contingency? Japan's diplomatic decision to send the SDF may yet be seriously tested by growing confusion in the Iraqi situation.
The writer is a former Professor of Shukutoku University and former Senior Editor and London Bureau Chief of the Yomiuri Newspaper.
However, it is a well-known fact both in Japan and abroad that the Self Defense Forces (SDF) was dispatched with the limited purpose of providing "humanitarian support for post-war reconstruction" that excludes partaking in "activities for maintaining order." The SDF therefore has a unique place within the "Coalition of the Willing." Two contradictory factors lie in the background that led to limiting the role of the SDF. Needless to say, the first factor involves the Japanese Constitution that prohibits the use of military force and mounting public opinion against the Iraq War. The other involves the government's consideration for U.S. relations that it describes as the axis of Japanese diplomacy. When Fujiwara Kiichi, a renowned scholar of international politics and Professor at Tokyo University, said with a certain measure of ridicule that "the Self Defense Forces are in effect protecting Japan's alliance with the United States," he succinctly expressed the crux of the issue.
Caught in this dilemma, Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro and his administration sought to dispatch the SDF to an area in Iraq where "no military activity is involved." As a result, Samawa in southern Iraq was chosen as the SDF camping site. And it was from Musanna Prefecture where Samawa is located, that seven leaders recently visited Japan at the invitation of a non-governmental organization. These included two theologians, two doctors, a pharmaceutical engineer and two teachers.
The two-hour discussion with the leaders offered a valuable opportunity to understand the feelings Samawa residents have towards the SDF and to gain a glimpse into the highly complicated nature of Iraqi society. The seven guests spoke as one as they began by expressing their affection and gratitude for members of the SDF. Theologian Said Ali Almaili said he was "impressed by the devoted actions of SDF members," and added that "the Japanese people should rest assured that law and order is being maintained in Samawa." The other theologian, Sheikh Maad Alwaili, disclosed he had issued a 'fatwa' -- religious decree -- prohibiting any attack against the SDF during the Islamic day of worship observed every Friday.
But as the exchange of views deepened, the gap between the increasingly desperate state of bloodshed that prevails throughout Iraq and the comments made by the seven guests became more apparent. Their perspective was limited to Musanna Prefecture. Though strongly attached to their own local community, their awareness as Iraqi nationals seemed exceedingly weak. I posed a question - "Why is law and order being maintained in Samawa when murder and destruction is rampant throughout Iraq?" Mr. Almaili responded with pride that it was due to the "deep relationship of trust that exists between major tribe leaders in our area." Listening to his response I was captivated by a dark premonition concerning Iraq's future.
Why should their dependence on tribes, local communities and religious factions be stronger than their sense of belonging to a nation? While the ultimate cause could be traced back to Iraq's history of domination by the Ottoman Empire and England, the greatest factor must surely lie with the oppression suffered under the regime of Saddam Hussein. For Iraqis, solidarity centered on the tribe and on religious factions served as the foundation in protecting themselves and their families from the terrifying atrocities of the Saddam regime. The bloody rule of terror left behind a legacy that has ripped apart the deepest fabric of Iraqi society. And this, paradoxically, was the secret behind the exclusive sense of security in Samawa.
Iraq is a major country in the Middle East with a total population of 25 million. Samawa, with a population of roughly 40,000, or 185,000 including its neighboring areas, represents only a small portion of that whole. There, its people have maintained their own secluded social order. And there, in that small local community, the SDF continues to provide 'humanitarian support for reconstruction.' Iraqis living in other regions must surely see the SDF as a member of the U.S.-led military alliance. And the more praise President Bush showers on Japan for sending the SDF, the stronger the perception of 'Japan as follower of America' becomes in the minds of ordinary Iraqi citizens.
What I fear strongly is the possibility that the 'wall' that isolates the 'secure' region of Samawa from the rest of Iraq will be torn down by anti-U.S. sentiments that now permeate the country, making the SDF a target for attack. Is the Japanese government prepared to take realistic countermeasures when faced with such a contingency? Japan's diplomatic decision to send the SDF may yet be seriously tested by growing confusion in the Iraqi situation.
The writer is a former Professor of Shukutoku University and former Senior Editor and London Bureau Chief of the Yomiuri Newspaper.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
日本自衛隊を覆うイラクの暗雲
北村 文夫 / ジャーナリスト
2004年 8月 24日
ブッシュ政権が強行したイラク戦争は、開戦理由となる証拠があいまいであり、さらに国際法上の法的正当性を欠くものとして、国際社会の大勢から強い批判を浴びてきた。アメリカの孤立化を象徴するように、アメリカとその同調国は『有志連合』という国際政治では馴染みのない奇妙な名称で呼ばれた。それだけにブッシュ大統領は、世界第２位の経済大国がもつ軍事力のイラク派遣を称賛し、「イラクの安定化と民主化への貢献国」としてイギリスに次いで２番目に日本国名を挙げた。
だが、日本国外でもよく知られていることだろうが、自衛隊派遣の目的は『人道的な復興支援活動』に限られ、『治安維持行動』は除外されている。自衛隊は『有志連合』内では特殊な存在なのである。自衛隊が限定された役割を背負った背景には、二つの矛盾しあう要素がひそんでいた。一つはいうまでもなく、武力行使を禁じた日本国憲法の存在と、イラク戦争反対への世論の高まりである。もう一つは、日本政府が『外交の基軸』にあげる対米関係への配慮だった。著名な国際政治学者で東京大学教授の藤原帰一氏が、いささか揶揄気味に「自衛隊が守ろうとするのは対米同盟だ」と語るのは、問題の核心を端的に指摘したものともいえよう。
こうしたジレンマ状況のなかで、小泉政権は自衛隊派遣地として「戦闘行為が存在しない治安良好な地域」を捜し求めた。そして自衛隊宿営地に選ばれたのが、イラク南部のサマーワだった。そのサマーワをもつムサンナ県から、７人の有力指導者が民間団体の招きで日本を訪れた。顔触れは宗教学者２人、医師２人、薬品技師１人、教師２人だった。
彼らとの２時間にわたる会見は、サマーワ住民の自衛隊への感情を知り、複雑極まりないイラク社会の体質をかいま見る貴重な機会となった。７人はまず口を揃えて、自衛隊員への親愛と感謝の言葉を述べた。宗教学者サイド・アリー・アルマイーリ氏は、「自衛隊員の献身的な活動に感動した」と述べ、「サマーワの治安は安定しており、日本国民は安心していただきたい」と付け加えた。もう１人の宗教学者マード・アルワイリ師は、金曜日のイスラム礼拝日に「自衛隊を攻撃してはならない」との宗教判断（ファトワ）を発したことを明らかにした。
しかし意見交換が進むにつれ、イラク全土を見舞う流血抗争の泥沼化と７人の賓客の発言の落差が浮き彫りにされていった。彼らの視野に入っているのは、ムサンナ県のことだけだった。自分たちの地域共同体には強い帰属意識をもつものの、イラク人としての国民意識はひどく希薄のように思えた。「イラク全土で殺戮と破壊が続くのに、なぜサマーワでは治安が安定しているのか」という私の問いに、アルマイーリ氏は「主要な部族長の間の深い信頼関係のせいだ」と誇らしげに答えた。この発言から、私はイラクの前途に対する暗い予感にとらわれた。
国家への帰属意識よりも、なぜ部族、地域共同体、宗派への依存意識の方が強いのだろうか。遠因を探ればオトマン帝国、イギリスなどによるイラク支配の歴史にたどりつこうが、最大の要因はやはりサダム・フセイン政権の圧制に求められよう。サダム政権の暴虐さに脅え、わが身や家族を守るためのよりどころになったのが部族、宗派を軸にした結束だった。サダム政権の血なまぐさい暴力支配は、イラク社会の深層部をずたずたに引き裂く後遺症を残した。それが逆説的には、「サマーワだけは治安良好」の秘密だった。
イラクは総人口2400万人をもつ中東の大国である。そのなかでサマーワは人口約４万人、周辺を含めても約18万5000人の狭い地域に過ぎない。そこでは独自の閉鎖された社会秩序が保たれてきた。自衛隊が『人道的な復興支援』を続けるのは、この小さな地域共同体である。それ以外の地域に住むイラク人は、自衛隊をアメリカ主体の連合軍の一員と見ているに違いない。ブッシュ大統領が自衛隊派遣を称賛すればするほど、「対米同調者の日本」という一般イラク人の見方が補強されてゆくことだろう。
私が強く恐れるのは、「治安良好」なサマーワ周辺地域という隔絶空間の壁が、蔓延する反米機運によって突き崩され、自衛隊が攻撃対象になるかも知れないことだ。そうした事態への現実的な対応策を、果たして日本政府はもっているのだろうか。混迷するイラク情勢は、やがて自衛隊派遣という日本の外交選択に重大な試練を突き付けかねないだろう。
（筆者は元淑徳大学教授、元読売新聞ロンドン総局長、編集委員）
だが、日本国外でもよく知られていることだろうが、自衛隊派遣の目的は『人道的な復興支援活動』に限られ、『治安維持行動』は除外されている。自衛隊は『有志連合』内では特殊な存在なのである。自衛隊が限定された役割を背負った背景には、二つの矛盾しあう要素がひそんでいた。一つはいうまでもなく、武力行使を禁じた日本国憲法の存在と、イラク戦争反対への世論の高まりである。もう一つは、日本政府が『外交の基軸』にあげる対米関係への配慮だった。著名な国際政治学者で東京大学教授の藤原帰一氏が、いささか揶揄気味に「自衛隊が守ろうとするのは対米同盟だ」と語るのは、問題の核心を端的に指摘したものともいえよう。
こうしたジレンマ状況のなかで、小泉政権は自衛隊派遣地として「戦闘行為が存在しない治安良好な地域」を捜し求めた。そして自衛隊宿営地に選ばれたのが、イラク南部のサマーワだった。そのサマーワをもつムサンナ県から、７人の有力指導者が民間団体の招きで日本を訪れた。顔触れは宗教学者２人、医師２人、薬品技師１人、教師２人だった。
彼らとの２時間にわたる会見は、サマーワ住民の自衛隊への感情を知り、複雑極まりないイラク社会の体質をかいま見る貴重な機会となった。７人はまず口を揃えて、自衛隊員への親愛と感謝の言葉を述べた。宗教学者サイド・アリー・アルマイーリ氏は、「自衛隊員の献身的な活動に感動した」と述べ、「サマーワの治安は安定しており、日本国民は安心していただきたい」と付け加えた。もう１人の宗教学者マード・アルワイリ師は、金曜日のイスラム礼拝日に「自衛隊を攻撃してはならない」との宗教判断（ファトワ）を発したことを明らかにした。
しかし意見交換が進むにつれ、イラク全土を見舞う流血抗争の泥沼化と７人の賓客の発言の落差が浮き彫りにされていった。彼らの視野に入っているのは、ムサンナ県のことだけだった。自分たちの地域共同体には強い帰属意識をもつものの、イラク人としての国民意識はひどく希薄のように思えた。「イラク全土で殺戮と破壊が続くのに、なぜサマーワでは治安が安定しているのか」という私の問いに、アルマイーリ氏は「主要な部族長の間の深い信頼関係のせいだ」と誇らしげに答えた。この発言から、私はイラクの前途に対する暗い予感にとらわれた。
国家への帰属意識よりも、なぜ部族、地域共同体、宗派への依存意識の方が強いのだろうか。遠因を探ればオトマン帝国、イギリスなどによるイラク支配の歴史にたどりつこうが、最大の要因はやはりサダム・フセイン政権の圧制に求められよう。サダム政権の暴虐さに脅え、わが身や家族を守るためのよりどころになったのが部族、宗派を軸にした結束だった。サダム政権の血なまぐさい暴力支配は、イラク社会の深層部をずたずたに引き裂く後遺症を残した。それが逆説的には、「サマーワだけは治安良好」の秘密だった。
イラクは総人口2400万人をもつ中東の大国である。そのなかでサマーワは人口約４万人、周辺を含めても約18万5000人の狭い地域に過ぎない。そこでは独自の閉鎖された社会秩序が保たれてきた。自衛隊が『人道的な復興支援』を続けるのは、この小さな地域共同体である。それ以外の地域に住むイラク人は、自衛隊をアメリカ主体の連合軍の一員と見ているに違いない。ブッシュ大統領が自衛隊派遣を称賛すればするほど、「対米同調者の日本」という一般イラク人の見方が補強されてゆくことだろう。
私が強く恐れるのは、「治安良好」なサマーワ周辺地域という隔絶空間の壁が、蔓延する反米機運によって突き崩され、自衛隊が攻撃対象になるかも知れないことだ。そうした事態への現実的な対応策を、果たして日本政府はもっているのだろうか。混迷するイラク情勢は、やがて自衛隊派遣という日本の外交選択に重大な試練を突き付けかねないだろう。
（筆者は元淑徳大学教授、元読売新聞ロンドン総局長、編集委員）
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟