Reflections on the Koizumi Administration
SHIMA Osamu / Professor at Teikyo University
June 22, 2001
Since the collapse of one-party rule by the Liberal Democratic Party, the creation of a new framework of government had taken precedence over everything else. Seizing the seat of power became the single self-serving purpose of political parties, and the vital issue of policy was all but forgotten. Parliamentary majority being the product of a tug-of-war between the parties, it is only natural that party bosses who take charge of such negotiations both on and off scene acquire a powerful voice within any administration. And it was during the government of ex-Prime Minister Mori Yoshiro that such a "Party First, Cabinet Second" political system reached its absolute limits.
Upon running for election for the LDP leadership, Koizumi Junichiro not only demonstrated his freedom from such a framework of government, but went so far as to call for a virtual dissolution and restart of the LDP itself, and rode on to a landslide victory. Koizumi has succeeded in restoring the proper form of politics, that dictated by policy, or in other words, led by the Cabinet. Japanese voters had been aware of the whiff of dubious pork-barreling that went on in past politics dominated by bosses within the leading party, and sensing relief and hope in Prime Minister Koizumi's "fearless, unflinching and uninhibited" political style, gave him a big applause. It would pass without objection to say that this is what lies behind the high level of public support enjoyed by the Cabinet.
Up to this point, it is commendable as a sign of soundness of Japan's democratic process. However, there is a pitfall - the overheated popularity of Prime Minister Koizumi is giving rise to a phenomenon where favor does more harm, as the public becomes intolerant of criticism against his administration. Shut out debate, and democratic politics will cease to function. This is truly a lamentable tendency of mass psychology.
The Koizumi administration advocates the political principle of "deciding all matters of state through public debate." The Prime Minister has emphasized that he "will not pursue politics that is dragged in the direction of those with the loudest voice. Policies desired by the majority will come into the open through repeated discussion among all of us." While the comment was intended as a check against faultfinders within the LDP's General Council, it is nonetheless a just argument. There was a time in the past when groups which were lukewarm towards political reform and electoral reform were criticized as the "Conservative Camp." Nowadays, anyone opposed to Koizumi's reforms are dubbed the "Resistance."
I am no enthusiast of using labels as a political tool, but in these times when decisive action on various reform has become an imperative, it may well be an effective slogan. Still, if things remain at "agreeing in general but opposed in the particulars," it would only end a fanfare. Does support for the Koizumi administration reflect adequate scrutiny of his policies, and will the Japanese people continue to show their support when the pain of bankruptcy and unemployment hits home? Seeing the somewhat abnormal level of public support, one cannot help but question the resolve of the Japanese people.
"Deciding all matters of state through public debate" was an excellent political slogan during Japan's modernization. However, with opinion poll politics, where decisions follow the direction of popular opinion, the lure of populism will remain an inherent danger in this era of mass democracy. I give Prime Minister Koizumi much credit for his enthusiasm and effort. But how will the government persuade and enlighten the people once the reform phase comes to the particulars, and what will voters' reaction be? For now, my honest feelings are that there still remains a shadow of apprehension that can't be cast aside.
The writer is a professor at Teikyo University. He is former chief editorial writer of Yomiuri Shimbun.
Upon running for election for the LDP leadership, Koizumi Junichiro not only demonstrated his freedom from such a framework of government, but went so far as to call for a virtual dissolution and restart of the LDP itself, and rode on to a landslide victory. Koizumi has succeeded in restoring the proper form of politics, that dictated by policy, or in other words, led by the Cabinet. Japanese voters had been aware of the whiff of dubious pork-barreling that went on in past politics dominated by bosses within the leading party, and sensing relief and hope in Prime Minister Koizumi's "fearless, unflinching and uninhibited" political style, gave him a big applause. It would pass without objection to say that this is what lies behind the high level of public support enjoyed by the Cabinet.
Up to this point, it is commendable as a sign of soundness of Japan's democratic process. However, there is a pitfall - the overheated popularity of Prime Minister Koizumi is giving rise to a phenomenon where favor does more harm, as the public becomes intolerant of criticism against his administration. Shut out debate, and democratic politics will cease to function. This is truly a lamentable tendency of mass psychology.
The Koizumi administration advocates the political principle of "deciding all matters of state through public debate." The Prime Minister has emphasized that he "will not pursue politics that is dragged in the direction of those with the loudest voice. Policies desired by the majority will come into the open through repeated discussion among all of us." While the comment was intended as a check against faultfinders within the LDP's General Council, it is nonetheless a just argument. There was a time in the past when groups which were lukewarm towards political reform and electoral reform were criticized as the "Conservative Camp." Nowadays, anyone opposed to Koizumi's reforms are dubbed the "Resistance."
I am no enthusiast of using labels as a political tool, but in these times when decisive action on various reform has become an imperative, it may well be an effective slogan. Still, if things remain at "agreeing in general but opposed in the particulars," it would only end a fanfare. Does support for the Koizumi administration reflect adequate scrutiny of his policies, and will the Japanese people continue to show their support when the pain of bankruptcy and unemployment hits home? Seeing the somewhat abnormal level of public support, one cannot help but question the resolve of the Japanese people.
"Deciding all matters of state through public debate" was an excellent political slogan during Japan's modernization. However, with opinion poll politics, where decisions follow the direction of popular opinion, the lure of populism will remain an inherent danger in this era of mass democracy. I give Prime Minister Koizumi much credit for his enthusiasm and effort. But how will the government persuade and enlighten the people once the reform phase comes to the particulars, and what will voters' reaction be? For now, my honest feelings are that there still remains a shadow of apprehension that can't be cast aside.
The writer is a professor at Teikyo University. He is former chief editorial writer of Yomiuri Shimbun.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
小泉政権について
島 脩 / 帝京大学教授
2001年 6月 22日
自民党の一党支配が崩れた後，政権の枠組み作りが何よりも優先されてきた。政権の座につくこと自体が政党の自己目的化し，肝心の政策は二の次であったといってよい。国会での多数派形成は，政党間の綱引きの結果決まるから，舞台の表裏でその折衝にあたる政党幹部が，当然のように，政権内部で強大な発言力を持つようになる。そうした「党高政低」の政治体制が極限状況に達したのが森政権であった。
自民党総裁選挙の出馬にあたって小泉氏は、そのような政権の枠組みにはとらわれないばかりか，自民党自体の解党的出直しに言及して圧勝した。そして本来の政治主導，すなわち内閣主導の政治を取り戻すことに成功した。それまでの与党の実力者主導の政治に何かうさんくささ、利権政治の臭いを感じ取っていた国民は，小泉首相の「恐れず，ひるまず、とらわれず」の政治姿勢に救いと期待を感じて大きな拍手を送った。それが内閣に対する高支持率につながっているという見方には異論はないだろう。
そこまでは，日本の民主政治の健全さを示すものとして私は評価している。問題は，小泉人気の過熱ぶりが，政権批判を許さないという、ひいきの引き倒し的現象を呈していることだ。議論を封じたら，民主政治は成り立たない。誠に憂うべき群集心理の動向といわなければならない。
小泉政権は「万機公論」政治を標榜している。首相は「声の大きい方に引きずられる政治はやらない。みんなで繰り返し議論をすれば多数派が求める政策は自ずから明らかになる」と強調している。多分に自民党総務会でたてつくウルサ型の面々を意識してのけん制的発言ではあるが，正論だ。かって、政治改革,選挙制度改革に消極的なグループが「守旧派」と呼ばれ,批判にさらされた一時期があった。今度は,小泉改革に反するものは「抵抗勢力」とされる。
レッテル張りの政治手法を私はあまり歓迎しないが,現在のように諸改革の断行が急務の時代には,効果的な政治スローガンといえるかもしれない。だが、「総論賛成,各論反対」では掛け声倒れになってしまう。小泉政権に対する支持が果たしてその政策を十分に吟味したものであり,たとえ倒産や失業の痛みが我が身に及んでもなお支持しつづけるのか，異常ともいえる高支持率から，そうした国民の覚悟の程に疑問を禁じえないのである。
「万機公論」は日本近代化のための優れた政治スローガンであった。が、世論の向かうところに従って決するという世論政治は，大衆民主主義の現代においてはポピュリズムに流れる危険性を絶えず内蔵している。小泉首相の意気込みと努力は大いに評価するが，改革が具体論に入ったときの政治の側からの国民への説得と啓蒙，これに対する選挙民の反応がどう出るか。なお一抹の危惧をぬぐえないというのが現在の率直な感想である。
(筆者は帝京大学教授。元読売新聞論説委員長。)
自民党総裁選挙の出馬にあたって小泉氏は、そのような政権の枠組みにはとらわれないばかりか，自民党自体の解党的出直しに言及して圧勝した。そして本来の政治主導，すなわち内閣主導の政治を取り戻すことに成功した。それまでの与党の実力者主導の政治に何かうさんくささ、利権政治の臭いを感じ取っていた国民は，小泉首相の「恐れず，ひるまず、とらわれず」の政治姿勢に救いと期待を感じて大きな拍手を送った。それが内閣に対する高支持率につながっているという見方には異論はないだろう。
そこまでは，日本の民主政治の健全さを示すものとして私は評価している。問題は，小泉人気の過熱ぶりが，政権批判を許さないという、ひいきの引き倒し的現象を呈していることだ。議論を封じたら，民主政治は成り立たない。誠に憂うべき群集心理の動向といわなければならない。
小泉政権は「万機公論」政治を標榜している。首相は「声の大きい方に引きずられる政治はやらない。みんなで繰り返し議論をすれば多数派が求める政策は自ずから明らかになる」と強調している。多分に自民党総務会でたてつくウルサ型の面々を意識してのけん制的発言ではあるが，正論だ。かって、政治改革,選挙制度改革に消極的なグループが「守旧派」と呼ばれ,批判にさらされた一時期があった。今度は,小泉改革に反するものは「抵抗勢力」とされる。
レッテル張りの政治手法を私はあまり歓迎しないが,現在のように諸改革の断行が急務の時代には,効果的な政治スローガンといえるかもしれない。だが、「総論賛成,各論反対」では掛け声倒れになってしまう。小泉政権に対する支持が果たしてその政策を十分に吟味したものであり,たとえ倒産や失業の痛みが我が身に及んでもなお支持しつづけるのか，異常ともいえる高支持率から，そうした国民の覚悟の程に疑問を禁じえないのである。
「万機公論」は日本近代化のための優れた政治スローガンであった。が、世論の向かうところに従って決するという世論政治は，大衆民主主義の現代においてはポピュリズムに流れる危険性を絶えず内蔵している。小泉首相の意気込みと努力は大いに評価するが，改革が具体論に入ったときの政治の側からの国民への説得と啓蒙，これに対する選挙民の反応がどう出るか。なお一抹の危惧をぬぐえないというのが現在の率直な感想である。
(筆者は帝京大学教授。元読売新聞論説委員長。)
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟