Vain East Asia Community Sans Japan-China Cooperation
FUKUHARA Koichi / Journalist
January 6, 2006
On December 14, 2005 the First East Asia Summit held in Kuala Lumpur adopted a joint declaration stating that the Summit is a "forum for dialogue" with the "aim of promoting peace, stability and economic prosperity in East Asia" and that it "could play a significant role in community building in this region." Two days previously the leaders of the ASEAN Plus Three (Japan, China and ROK) had jointly declared that these countries would "commence collaborative efforts to prepare a second Joint Statement on East Asia Cooperation on the tenth anniversary of the ASEAN Plus Three process in 2007" in order to "set forth the future direction of the cooperation and East Asia community building"
With regard to who participate in the East Asia Summit, China sought to limit it to the ASEAN plus Three nations, while Japan, trying to dilute the influence of China, promoted the participation of India, Australia and New Zealand. It is appropriate that the conclusion was reached that for the time being the ASEAN Plus Three nations take the initiating role in working out the concept for an East Asia community on the basis of ASEAN consensus.
First, the ASEAN has accumulated valuable experiences as a regional organization for cooperation among the Southeast Asian nations since the 60s. Secondly, Japan's diplomatic performance was lackluster against the backdrop of escalating conflicts between Japan and China. There were anti-Japan demonstrations in various parts of China in April and China opposed Japan's permanent seat on the UN Security Council. In the meantime Prime Minister Koizumi made his fifth visit to the Yasukuni Shrine after his assumption of premiership. As the result, no meeting could be held between the Japanese and Chinese leaders even during the summit period. ASEAN leaders who gathered for the First East Asia Summit openly expressed their dissatisfaction and criticism about the deepening rift between Japan and China, as it is plain that no community building in East Asia will make progress and flourish without these two northern giants working together. Sans Japan-China cooperation the call for an East Asian Community sounds hollow. Asian pride will be hurt if ongoing regional collaboration flounders. This was, among others, what this Summit taught us.
Unfortunately Japan and China are still groping for an opening for the resumption of talks at the highest level. In this connection, Prime Minister Koizumi's optimistic stance on the issue surprised many Asian leaders as he repeated that "Although I hold Japan-China relations important, there hardly exists any source for concern about our bilateral relations even if a tete-a-tete talk is not to be held between the top leaders of the two countries." On the other hand, China made known that it is aware of this atmosphere at the Summit by stating "East Asian cooperation must solidly be based on the principles of openness and transparency." China seems to be content that the ASEAN is to be the core for community building; it looks unlikely that China itself will take the leadership for such community building.
The US maintained a wait-and-see attitude this time although it is wary of the establishment of an "Asian regional institution led by China without the US." Probably the US was certain that little would come out of the present East Asia Summit, appreciating the participation of India, Australia and New Zealand in the Summit owing to Japanese diplomatic efforts. More probably the US is increasingly confident to be able to keep its relations with China under control through intensive US-China dialogue of late.
For instance, US Secretaries of State, Treasury and Defense visited China in succession this year. In November President Bush visited China after having made an important Policy Speech in Kyoto on his way to Pusan where he attended an APEC Meeting. In Kyoto President Bush emphasized the US intention to spread freedom and democracy in Asia. He deliberately went to church for Sunday prayers in Beijing, which could be taken as veiled criticism of China's stern policy to keep religious activities under government control. In his second meeting with President Hu Jintao in this year President Bush strongly urged more flexibility in the renminbi foreign exchange rate and stricter control of violations of intellectual property rights. While promising more Chinese efforts in these areas, President Hu rebutted that China would handle freedom and democracy independently. At the same time, he confirmed that China and the US have great interest in common. In this connection, he highly appreciated the American opposition to the independence of Taiwan.
When President Bush says that "the US-China relations are extremely important and complex," his remarks are based on such high-level dialogue. The longer the rupture in Japan-China political exchange continues, the more remote Japan will be from the driver's seat in Asian diplomacy. Then Japan will have to play second fiddle in an American orchestra.
The writer is former Chief Editorial Writer of Kyodo News Agency
With regard to who participate in the East Asia Summit, China sought to limit it to the ASEAN plus Three nations, while Japan, trying to dilute the influence of China, promoted the participation of India, Australia and New Zealand. It is appropriate that the conclusion was reached that for the time being the ASEAN Plus Three nations take the initiating role in working out the concept for an East Asia community on the basis of ASEAN consensus.
First, the ASEAN has accumulated valuable experiences as a regional organization for cooperation among the Southeast Asian nations since the 60s. Secondly, Japan's diplomatic performance was lackluster against the backdrop of escalating conflicts between Japan and China. There were anti-Japan demonstrations in various parts of China in April and China opposed Japan's permanent seat on the UN Security Council. In the meantime Prime Minister Koizumi made his fifth visit to the Yasukuni Shrine after his assumption of premiership. As the result, no meeting could be held between the Japanese and Chinese leaders even during the summit period. ASEAN leaders who gathered for the First East Asia Summit openly expressed their dissatisfaction and criticism about the deepening rift between Japan and China, as it is plain that no community building in East Asia will make progress and flourish without these two northern giants working together. Sans Japan-China cooperation the call for an East Asian Community sounds hollow. Asian pride will be hurt if ongoing regional collaboration flounders. This was, among others, what this Summit taught us.
Unfortunately Japan and China are still groping for an opening for the resumption of talks at the highest level. In this connection, Prime Minister Koizumi's optimistic stance on the issue surprised many Asian leaders as he repeated that "Although I hold Japan-China relations important, there hardly exists any source for concern about our bilateral relations even if a tete-a-tete talk is not to be held between the top leaders of the two countries." On the other hand, China made known that it is aware of this atmosphere at the Summit by stating "East Asian cooperation must solidly be based on the principles of openness and transparency." China seems to be content that the ASEAN is to be the core for community building; it looks unlikely that China itself will take the leadership for such community building.
The US maintained a wait-and-see attitude this time although it is wary of the establishment of an "Asian regional institution led by China without the US." Probably the US was certain that little would come out of the present East Asia Summit, appreciating the participation of India, Australia and New Zealand in the Summit owing to Japanese diplomatic efforts. More probably the US is increasingly confident to be able to keep its relations with China under control through intensive US-China dialogue of late.
For instance, US Secretaries of State, Treasury and Defense visited China in succession this year. In November President Bush visited China after having made an important Policy Speech in Kyoto on his way to Pusan where he attended an APEC Meeting. In Kyoto President Bush emphasized the US intention to spread freedom and democracy in Asia. He deliberately went to church for Sunday prayers in Beijing, which could be taken as veiled criticism of China's stern policy to keep religious activities under government control. In his second meeting with President Hu Jintao in this year President Bush strongly urged more flexibility in the renminbi foreign exchange rate and stricter control of violations of intellectual property rights. While promising more Chinese efforts in these areas, President Hu rebutted that China would handle freedom and democracy independently. At the same time, he confirmed that China and the US have great interest in common. In this connection, he highly appreciated the American opposition to the independence of Taiwan.
When President Bush says that "the US-China relations are extremely important and complex," his remarks are based on such high-level dialogue. The longer the rupture in Japan-China political exchange continues, the more remote Japan will be from the driver's seat in Asian diplomacy. Then Japan will have to play second fiddle in an American orchestra.
The writer is former Chief Editorial Writer of Kyodo News Agency
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
日中協調なき東ア共同体のむなしさ
福原亨一 / ジャーナリスト
2006年 1月 6日
2005年12月14日、クアラルンプールで開かれた第一回東アジア首脳会議は「東アジアにおける平和、安定及び経済的繁栄を促進することを目的とした対話を行なうためのフォーラム」であり「この地域の共同体の形成に重要な役割を果たし得る」との共同宣言を発表した。前々日に開かれたASEAN + 3（日本、中国、韓国）の共同宣言は「東アジア共同体を達成するための主要な手段であり、推進力になる。共同体形成の将来の方向性を示す共同声明を2007年に作成する努力を始める」と述べた。
サミット参加国をASEAN + ３ に絞ろうとする中国と、中国の影響力を薄めるためインド、オーストラリア、ニュージーランドの参加を推す日本とが影響力を競った結果、さしあたり ASEAN +３ が主導権を握り、ASEAN のペース で共同体のイメージを練り上げることになったのは穏当な結論だろう。一つは1960年代から東南アジアの地域協力機構として経験を積んだ ASEAN の実績があり、さらには４月の中国各地の反日デモ、日本の国連安保常任理事国入りへの中国の反対、小泉首相の五回目の靖国参拝と日中対立がエスカレートし、サミット開催期間にも日中首脳会談を開かないという異常事態で日本外交に迫力が欠けていたためでもある。
日中の協調なしには東アジア共同体の発展、成功もありえないことは自明の理であり、サミットに集まった ASEAN各国首脳は日中対立への不満,、批判を公然と表明した。日中協調が伴わなければ東アジア共同体のかけ声は空疎に響き、当面の地域協力にもマイナス、アジアの威信は深く傷つく。それが今回のサミットが残した最も貴重な教訓だ。
残念ながら日中両国は、いまだに首脳会談再開への糸口を探り当てていない。とりわけ小泉首相は、APEC 首脳会議やASEAN 首脳との会談で「私は日中関係を重視している。首脳会談が開けなくても日中関係は心配ない」と繰り返し、楽観的な口調で聞く人々を驚かせた。一方、中国はサミットの雰囲気を察知して「東アジアの協力は開放的で透明の原則を堅持すべきだ」と表明、当面は ASEAN が共同体つくりの中核となることで満足し、みずから共同体の旗ふり役を買って出ることは控える姿勢だ。
米国は「中国が主導して米国を除外するアジア地域機構」の成立を強く警戒していたが、今回は心配するほどのことはないと見極めたか、静観の態度を貫いた。日本の努力でインド、オーストラリアなどが参加したことを評価するとともに、最近の濃密な米中対話を通じて対中関係をリードする自信を持ち始めたのかもしれない。
米国は今年、国務、財務、国防各長官を相次いで訪中させ、11月にはブッシュ大統領が釜山のAPEC 会議に出席した機会に京都で政策演説を行ない、アジアに自由と民主を広げる意図を強調した上で訪中した。北京で教会の日曜礼拝に出席して中国の厳しい宗教管理政策を牽制し、胡錦涛主席と今年二度目の会談では人民元レートの柔軟化、知的財産権侵害の取り締まりなどを強く要求した。胡錦涛は努力を約束しながら、自由と民主は中国が自主的に進めると反論、同時に米国が「台湾独立に反対」していることを高く評価し、米中に共通する利害も大きいことを確認した。
「米中関係は極めて重要、非常に複雑」と表現するブッシュの言葉はこのようなハ
イレベルの対話に裏打ちされている。日中政治交流の途絶が長びけば日本はそれだけアジア外交の主役の座から遠ざかり、米国の脇役に甘んじ続けるほかないだろう。
（筆者は元共同通信論説委員長。）
サミット参加国をASEAN + ３ に絞ろうとする中国と、中国の影響力を薄めるためインド、オーストラリア、ニュージーランドの参加を推す日本とが影響力を競った結果、さしあたり ASEAN +３ が主導権を握り、ASEAN のペース で共同体のイメージを練り上げることになったのは穏当な結論だろう。一つは1960年代から東南アジアの地域協力機構として経験を積んだ ASEAN の実績があり、さらには４月の中国各地の反日デモ、日本の国連安保常任理事国入りへの中国の反対、小泉首相の五回目の靖国参拝と日中対立がエスカレートし、サミット開催期間にも日中首脳会談を開かないという異常事態で日本外交に迫力が欠けていたためでもある。
日中の協調なしには東アジア共同体の発展、成功もありえないことは自明の理であり、サミットに集まった ASEAN各国首脳は日中対立への不満,、批判を公然と表明した。日中協調が伴わなければ東アジア共同体のかけ声は空疎に響き、当面の地域協力にもマイナス、アジアの威信は深く傷つく。それが今回のサミットが残した最も貴重な教訓だ。
残念ながら日中両国は、いまだに首脳会談再開への糸口を探り当てていない。とりわけ小泉首相は、APEC 首脳会議やASEAN 首脳との会談で「私は日中関係を重視している。首脳会談が開けなくても日中関係は心配ない」と繰り返し、楽観的な口調で聞く人々を驚かせた。一方、中国はサミットの雰囲気を察知して「東アジアの協力は開放的で透明の原則を堅持すべきだ」と表明、当面は ASEAN が共同体つくりの中核となることで満足し、みずから共同体の旗ふり役を買って出ることは控える姿勢だ。
米国は「中国が主導して米国を除外するアジア地域機構」の成立を強く警戒していたが、今回は心配するほどのことはないと見極めたか、静観の態度を貫いた。日本の努力でインド、オーストラリアなどが参加したことを評価するとともに、最近の濃密な米中対話を通じて対中関係をリードする自信を持ち始めたのかもしれない。
米国は今年、国務、財務、国防各長官を相次いで訪中させ、11月にはブッシュ大統領が釜山のAPEC 会議に出席した機会に京都で政策演説を行ない、アジアに自由と民主を広げる意図を強調した上で訪中した。北京で教会の日曜礼拝に出席して中国の厳しい宗教管理政策を牽制し、胡錦涛主席と今年二度目の会談では人民元レートの柔軟化、知的財産権侵害の取り締まりなどを強く要求した。胡錦涛は努力を約束しながら、自由と民主は中国が自主的に進めると反論、同時に米国が「台湾独立に反対」していることを高く評価し、米中に共通する利害も大きいことを確認した。
「米中関係は極めて重要、非常に複雑」と表現するブッシュの言葉はこのようなハ
イレベルの対話に裏打ちされている。日中政治交流の途絶が長びけば日本はそれだけアジア外交の主役の座から遠ざかり、米国の脇役に甘んじ続けるほかないだろう。
（筆者は元共同通信論説委員長。）
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟